Austerity Leads to Fascism...

5fish

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Clara E. Mattei. The Capital Order: How Economists Invented Austerity and Paved the Way to Fascism. She wrote a book showing that austerity attacks the masses and protects the capital structure. Austerity was invented in the 1920s and led to the rise of Fascism.


Mattei marshals an impressive array of British and Italian sources to trace the profound disruptions to the economic order during the First World War. Total war upended traditional economic policies. Government budgets bulged as never before. The gold standard was abandoned, prices administered, trade controlled. Mattei argues that this unprecedented shift in management vividly demonstrated—most notably to workers—that the old way of organizing economic relations was not the only way. Their blindfolds removed, workers in Britain and Italy began revolutionary agitation to control the means of production and upend the capitalist order. This “struggle for workers’ control,” Mattei writes, “peaked in 1919-1920 with the objective of self-government to secure the emancipation of the majority.”

According to Mattei, the powers that be viewed this revolutionary moment as unacceptable and connivingly set on “austerity” as the means to muzzle workers and return to the prewar order. “Austerity as we know it today,” Mattei writes, “emerged after World War I as a method for preventing capitalism’s collapse: economists in political positions used policy levers to make all classes of society more invested in private, capitalist production.” By returning to the gold standard and shrinking the budget deficit, policymakers slowed economic growth, thereby “enforc[ing] a public acceptance of repressive conditions in economic production.” Economists contributed to this policy program by justifying these choices as natural, as well as insulating the decision-making process in technocratic institutions, such as independent central banks. As for the connection with fascism, Mattei argues that Mussolini garnered support—domestically and internationally—by imposing austerity.
 

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Here is the following... Austerity is about protecting the capitalist... The coups in Chile and Argentina, the first thing they did was austerity in the 1970s and 1980s...


In Britain, they used interest-rate hikes and slashes in social expenditures to induce a recession and increase unemployment. This completely curtailed the mobilizing capacity of workers. At the time, G.D.H. Cole, who a couple of years before was convinced that capitalism was on the verge of collapse, remarked, “The big working-class offensive had been successfully stalled off; and British capitalism, though threatened with economic adversity, felt itself once more safely in the saddle and well able to cope both industrially and politically with any attempt that might still be made from the Labour side to unseat it.”

Italy had the same policies—privatization, cuts in social expenditure, deflation—but it also more directly used the coercive hand of the state. The fascist state intervened to curtail wages by decree, and with the fascist labor charter it also killed any non-fascist unions and made strikes illegal. So what in Britain was achieved by the impersonal laws of the market after inducing a recession, in Italy was mostly achieved by the state suppression of industrial mobilization. Italy didn’t need to induce a recession; the Italian economy actually grew from 1922 to 1925. It only really went into a recession when it tried to go back to the gold standard in 1926.

We need to look more critically at what the fascist state did and how its policies facilitated its power. In The Capital Order, I focus on the emergence of the first fascist state under Mussolini, especially how it used austerity to render the Italian public both powerless and dependent on the state. And who designed those austerity policies for the fascists? High-profile economists, most of them politically liberal. Their architecture of austerity—and this link between liberalism and austerity—remain in play today. Austerity is the core of fascism, even when the austerity is getting administered by a liberal state. I hope the book is an invitation to look beneath some of our comforting political binaries. If we do, we’ll find lots of continuities between liberal technocracy and nationalist authoritarianism.
 

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Video for the un-readers... It will shake you...

 

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Here is more on austerity thoughts...


austerity is understood by economists in a de-politicized sense. It’s looked at as a technical tool to manage the economy, which can be right or wrong according to whether it actually produces economic growth and debt curtailment or not. This discussion does no good in trying to understand why austerity is so resilient even in the face of the many recessions it has caused in the last century.

In order to see the political logic of austerity, we need to look at how the austerity trinity of fiscal, monetary, and industrial policies work in unison and reinforce one another.
 

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@jgoodguy , @rittmeister Austerity does not save money. It's about not creating money... learn...


Here is the vice... austerity is a myth...

 

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A Short notion...

 

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Here is a long article about our coming corporate state / Techno-Feudalism... It all begins with Mussolini... snippets...

A convergence between the world’s two superpowers is taking place. Today American business, as well as the media and academic establishments that serve them, increasingly embraces what can best be described as “Chinese capitalism with American characteristics.” In the United States, as property and power further consolidate, the ‘diffusion of power,’ so critical to democracy, erodes and autocracy develops naturally. Only players at the highest level possess the heft and motivation to influence policy. This power front consists of a new alliance between large corporate powers, Wall Street and the progressive clerisy in government and media.
Yet complicity in the West differs from fascist or corporate socialist standards in one important way. In wealthy societies, a large part of the corporate elite does not see widespread economic growth or rising living standards as a goal but as an impediment to meeting the demands of the “stakeholders,” who are largely defined by the clerisy, their orbit of nonprofits, cowed media, and their academic mentors. Profits are fine in this arrangement but only if they do not increase the material consumption of the populace while allowing new advantages to select racial or lifestyle minorities. The new corporatism is not bad for established capitalists but offers little to the middle or working classes, or, for that matter, to smaller independent businesses.
Although these companies often collude with each other,19 they sometimes fight with each other—like the daimyo in medieval Japan.20 Increasingly, competition is not between newcomers and established companies but among a remarkably consistent array of rich, ultrapowerful tech companies, with nearly identical upper management and financial backing. These forces are not looking for competitive capitalism but for ways to achieve 80 to 90 percent of key markets that allow for windfall profits and the accumulation of enormous wealth in few hands.21 They increasingly lord over the commanding heights of technology, media, and information economies that so dominate the modern economy.22
The Biden-led Democratic Party promises a fresh springtime for oligarchs. The prominence of corporate lobbyists47 in the new administration all but assures that Biden, like Barack Obama,48 will wink and nod49 as Microsoft, Amazon, Apple, Facebook, and Google acquire or crush competitors, and function increasingly beyond constitutional limits of censorship to control and limit political debate.50
 

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And older video but it makes eye opening thoughts...

 
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