Virginia's Reluctant Secession

jgoodguy

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HeyJosh13 said:
Or you know, Alexander Stephens gave what was basically a 2nd cornerstone speech at Virginia's secession convention.

http://www.civilwarcauses.org/cva.htm

"One good and wise feature in our new or revised Constitution is, that we have put to rest the vexed question of slavery forever, so far as the Confederate legislative halls are concerned. On this subject, from which sprung the immediate cause of our late troubles and threatened dangers, you will indulge me in a few remarks as not irrelevant to the occasion. The condition of the negro race amongst us presents a peculiar phase of republican civilization and constitutional liberty. To some, the problem seems hard to understand. The difficulty is in theory, not in practical demonstration; that works well enough—theories in government, as in all things else, must yield to facts. No truth is clearer than that the best form or system of government for any people or society is that which secures the greatest amount of happiness, not to the greatest number, but to all the constituent elements of that society, community or State. If our system does not accomplish this; if it is not the best for the negro as well as for the white man; for the inferior as well as the superior race, it is wrong in principle. But if it does, or is capable of doing this, then it is right, and can never be successfully assailed by reason or logic. That the negroes with us, under masters who care for, provide for and protect them, are better off, and enjoy more of the blessings of good government than their race does in any other part of the world, statistics abundantly prove. As a race, the African is inferior to the white man. Subordination to the white man is his normal condition. He is not his equal by nature, and cannot be made so by human laws or human institutions. Our system, therefore, so far as regards this inferior race, rests upon this great immutable law of nature. It is founded not upon wrong or injustice, but upon the eternal fitness of things. Hence, its harmonious working for the benefit and advantage of both. Why one race was made inferior to another, is not for us to inquire. The statesman and the Christian, as well as the philosopher, must take things as they find them, and do the best he can with them as he finds them.
The great truth, I repeat, upon which our system rests, is the inferiority of the African. The enemies of our institutions ignore this truth. They set out with the assumption that the races are equal; that the negro is equal to the white man. If their premises were correct, their conclusions would be legitimate. But their premises being false, their conclusions are false also. Most of that fanatical spirit at the North on this subject, which in its zeal without knowledge, would upturn our society and lay waste our fair country, springs from this false reasoning. Hence so much misapplied sympathy for fancied wrongs and sufferings. These wrongs and sufferings exist only in their heated imaginations. There can be no wrong where there is no violation of nature’s laws. We have heard much of the higher law. I believe myself in the higher law. We stand upon that higher law. I would defend and support no Constitution that is against the higher law. I mean by that the law of nature and of God. Human Constitutions and human laws that are made against the law of nature or of God, ought to be overturned; and if Seward was right the Constitution which he was sworn to support, and is now requiring others to swear to support, ought to have been overthrown long ago. It ought never to have been made. But in point of fact it is he and his associates in this crusade against us, who are warring against the higher law—we stand upon the laws of the Creator, upon the highest of all laws. It is the fanatics of the North, who are warring against the decrees of God Almighty, in their attempts to make things equal which he made unequal. My assurance of ultimate success in this controversy is strong from the conviction, that we stand upon the right. Some years ago in the Hall of the House of Representatives, a very prominent gentleman from Ohio, announced with a great deal of effect, that we at the South would be obliged to yield upon this question of slavery, because we warred against a principle; and that it was as impossible to war successfully against principle in politics as it was in mechanics. The principle, said he, would ultimately prevail. He announced this with imposing effect, and endeavored to maintain that we were contending against the great principle of equality in holding our fellow men. in the unnatural condition of bondage. In reply, I stated to him, that I admitted his proposition as he announced it, that it was impossible to war successfully against a principle in mechanics and the same was true in politics—the principle would certainly prevail—and from that stand point I had come to the conclusion that we of the South would ultimately succeed, and the North would be compelled to yield their ideas upon this subject. For it was they who were contending against a principle and not we. It was they who were trying to make the black man a white man, or his equal, which was nearly the same thing. The controlling laws of nature regulate the difference between them as absolutely as the laws of gravitation control whatever comes within their action—and until he could change the laws of gravitation, or any other law of nature, he could never make the negro a white man or his equal. No human efforts or human laws can change the leopard’s spots or the Ethiopian’s skin. These are the works of Providence—in whose hands are the fortunes of men as well as the destiny of nations and the distinctions of races.
On this subject a change is evidently going on in the intellectual world—in the republic of thinkers. The British West India experiment has done much to produce this change. All theories on the problem of human society must in the end yield to facts—just as all theories and speculations in other departments of science must yield to the same sure and unerring test. The changes of sentiment upon the subject of negro subordination have been great already, for this is the proper term to designate his condition with us. That they will continue as truth progresses, there can be no doubt. All new truths progress slowly. With us this change of view and sentiment has been wonderful. There has been almost a complete revolution within the last half century. It was a question little understood by the eminent statesmen of the South seventy years ago. This is no disparagement to their wisdom or ability. They were occupied in the solution of other great new truths upon which rested the first great principles of self-government by the governing race. These principles they solved and established. They met and proved themselves equal to the exigencies of their day and generation that was enough to fill the measure of their fame. Each generation in the eternal progress of all things connected with existence, must meet new questions, new problems, new phases of even old subjects, and it will be enough for the men of each generation, if they prove themselves equal to the requirement of the times in which they live. As our fathers were equal to all the questions of their day, so may their sons be at this and all succeeding times. This is the point to which our attention should be chiefly directed.
In our Constitution, provision is made for the admission of other States into the confederacy; but none can be admitted without first adopting our Constitution, and, consequently, none can be admitted who does not first adopt the fundamental principles on which our social and domestic institutions rest—thereby removing forever from our public or confederate councils that question which gave rise to so much disturbance in the old government.
"
I have bookmarked this for future use.
 

jgoodguy

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Here is the voting patterns of the counties.

The pattern appears to follow slaveholding rather than coercion.
 

Al Mackey

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Here is the voting patterns of the counties.

The pattern appears to follow slaveholding rather than coercion.
A government strong enough to enforce its laws, headed by an antislavery president, is strong enough to enforce a hypothetical future outlawing of slavery, therefore a government strong enough to enforce its laws, headed by an antislavery president, is a direct threat to the continued existence of slavery.
 

jgoodguy

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A government strong enough to enforce its laws, headed by an antislavery president, is strong enough to enforce a hypothetical future outlawing of slavery, therefore a government strong enough to enforce its laws, headed by an antislavery president, is a direct threat to the continued existence of slavery.
Good summary. I think there is a hitorical quote to that effect. Maybe Calhoun. Escapes me at the moment.
 

Al Mackey

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Good summary. I think there is a hitorical quote to that effect. Maybe Calhoun. Escapes me at the moment.
Mostly found during the Nullification Controversy.

South Carolinian William Smith said "if Congress can appropriate money for anything it deems in the general welfare, why can't a northern majority appropriate funds to abolish slavery?" [Quotation from William Freehling, Prelude to Civil War: The Nullification Controversy in South Carolina, 1816-1836, p. 111]

In 1827, prominent South Carolinians opposed a congressional appropriation to aid the American Colonization Society. "A colonization appropriation would set the vital constitutional precedent, for if Congress could promote the general welfare by colonizing free Negroes, it could promote the general welfare by freeing Negro slaves. 'the only safety of the Southern States,' Hayne argued, 'is to be found in the want of power on the part of the Federal Government to touch the subject at all.' " [Ibid., p. 122]

South Carolina state legislator Angus Patterson said, " 'If the Tariff were all we had to fear, I might be disposed to advise longer delay. ... [But] one of the avowed objects of the Tariff, is to favor free labor, as it is called, at the expense of slave labor--to render the latter species of labor unprofitable and indeed valueless, and thereby incline and force us to assent to a system of emancipation, through the agency of the General Government.' " [Ibid., p. 198]

"If South Carolina yielded 'full supremacy' to the northern majority, added Congressman Robert Barnwell, ' ... there are some changes in the very forms of our domestic policy, to which they could scarcely persuade us quietly to submit. And there are no changes, however vital and subversive of our most absolute rights, which fanaticism and misguided philanthropy would not attempt.' " [Ibid., p. 199]

South Carolinian William Harper: "In contending against the Tariff, I have always felt that we were combatting [sic] the symptom instead of the disease. Consolidation is the disease. ... To-morrow may witness ... [an attempt] to relieve ... your free negroes, first; and afterwards, your slaves." [Ibid., p. 256]

South Carolinian James Hamilton Jr. "I have always looked to the present contest with the government, on the part of the Southern States, as a battle at the out-posts, by which, if we succeeded in repulsing the enemy, the citadel would be safe. The same doctrines 'of the general welfare' which enable the general government to tax our industry for the benefit of the industries of other sections of this Union, and to appropriate the common treasure to make roads and canals for them, would authorize the federal government to erect the peaceful standard of servile revolt, by establishing colonization offices in our State, to give the bounties for emancipation here, and transportation to Liberia afterwards. The last question follows our giving up the battle on the other two, as inevitably as light flows from the sun." [Ibid., pp. 256-257]

During the discussion about abolition tracts being sent through the mail, John C. Calhoun said, "If Congress had authority 'to determine what papers are incendiary, and ... to prohibit their circulation through the mails,' Calhoun warned, Congress 'necessarily' had 'the right to determine what are not incendiary, and to enforce their circulation.' Jackson's program for suppressing the abolitionists would 'virtually ... clothe Congress with the power to abolish slavery.' A northern majority, by insisting on the delivery of the mails, could break down 'all barriers which the slaveholding states have erected for the protection of their lives and property.' " [Ibid., p. 347]
 

jgoodguy

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Mostly found during the Nullification Controversy.

South Carolinian William Smith said "if Congress can appropriate money for anything it deems in the general welfare, why can't a northern majority appropriate funds to abolish slavery?" [Quotation from William Freehling, Prelude to Civil War: The Nullification Controversy in South Carolina, 1816-1836, p. 111]

In 1827, prominent South Carolinians opposed a congressional appropriation to aid the American Colonization Society. "A colonization appropriation would set the vital constitutional precedent, for if Congress could promote the general welfare by colonizing free Negroes, it could promote the general welfare by freeing Negro slaves. 'the only safety of the Southern States,' Hayne argued, 'is to be found in the want of power on the part of the Federal Government to touch the subject at all.' " [Ibid., p. 122]

South Carolina state legislator Angus Patterson said, " 'If the Tariff were all we had to fear, I might be disposed to advise longer delay. ... [But] one of the avowed objects of the Tariff, is to favor free labor, as it is called, at the expense of slave labor--to render the latter species of labor unprofitable and indeed valueless, and thereby incline and force us to assent to a system of emancipation, through the agency of the General Government.' " [Ibid., p. 198]

"If South Carolina yielded 'full supremacy' to the northern majority, added Congressman Robert Barnwell, ' ... there are some changes in the very forms of our domestic policy, to which they could scarcely persuade us quietly to submit. And there are no changes, however vital and subversive of our most absolute rights, which fanaticism and misguided philanthropy would not attempt.' " [Ibid., p. 199]

South Carolinian William Harper: "In contending against the Tariff, I have always felt that we were combatting [sic] the symptom instead of the disease. Consolidation is the disease. ... To-morrow may witness ... [an attempt] to relieve ... your free negroes, first; and afterwards, your slaves." [Ibid., p. 256]

South Carolinian James Hamilton Jr. "I have always looked to the present contest with the government, on the part of the Southern States, as a battle at the out-posts, by which, if we succeeded in repulsing the enemy, the citadel would be safe. The same doctrines 'of the general welfare' which enable the general government to tax our industry for the benefit of the industries of other sections of this Union, and to appropriate the common treasure to make roads and canals for them, would authorize the federal government to erect the peaceful standard of servile revolt, by establishing colonization offices in our State, to give the bounties for emancipation here, and transportation to Liberia afterwards. The last question follows our giving up the battle on the other two, as inevitably as light flows from the sun." [Ibid., pp. 256-257]

During the discussion about abolition tracts being sent through the mail, John C. Calhoun said, "If Congress had authority 'to determine what papers are incendiary, and ... to prohibit their circulation through the mails,' Calhoun warned, Congress 'necessarily' had 'the right to determine what are not incendiary, and to enforce their circulation.' Jackson's program for suppressing the abolitionists would 'virtually ... clothe Congress with the power to abolish slavery.' A northern majority, by insisting on the delivery of the mails, could break down 'all barriers which the slaveholding states have erected for the protection of their lives and property.' " [Ibid., p. 347]
Thanks! That is likely where I remember it from.
 

jgoodguy

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Volume 5, Issue Number 4 (May, 2002) of North & South Magazine (pages 80-89) VIRGINIA’S RELUCTANT SECESSION
PP 87

As the convention seemed to hang with yet another indecisive action, Ex, Governor Henry Wise takes action. Without official authority, he takes warlike activities seizing Harpers Ferry and Gosport Yards. He then announces Virginia is at war and with a pistol ready, dares anyone to seize him.

At this climactic juncture, Henry Wise could abide procrastination no longer. A day earlier, on April 16, the ex- governor, despite lacking his old authority, had ordered state troops to seize the federal government's army facility Harpers Ferry and the naval installation at the Gosport Yards. Then on April 17, right after Robert Scott's narrow loss and at the very moment the unauthorized seizures were occurring, Wise rose in the convention. He placed his huge horse pistol before him. He snapped open his pocket watch and announced in hushed tones that at this hour, by his command, Virginia was at war with the federal government. If anyone wished to shoot him for treason, they would have to wrestle away his pistol.
No one does. Wise gives an impassionate speech. Literally, give me liberty or give me death. Get off the fence, ally with your Southern kin and secede.

Ten feet in front of Wise, ex-President John Tyler turned his chair around, tears streaming down his worn face, to cheer as the spellbinder ripped into the stalling Unionists. To an eyewitness,Wise seemed "supernaturally excited. His features were as sharp and rigid as bronze. His hair stood off from his head, as if charged with electricity."22 Why can't you realize, he shouted at his foes, now as "white and pale as the wall," that Lincoln's bloodthirsty proclamation makes waverers into traitors? The tyrantt troops now menace your folks. You must now decide whether to kill your kin. You must decide whether to return the murder weapons that I have ordered Virginia's patriots to seize. You must now decide whether to secede from the despot or assassinate me.​

Wise did not really force the question, but he motivated the fence-sitters, the indecisive to vote for secession. The hard fact of war made Virginians decide who to shoot at and who to shoot with.

Henry Wise hardly here saved Virginia's secession. Too many reasons compelled Virginians to fight alongside southern cousins, if a fight commenced. The fight had begun. Forces north and south of Virginia had started a war that would not go away. But Henry Wise probably forced many reluctant Virginians to accept the unavoidable fact of war days or weeks before these delayers would have otherwise faced this dreaded music. And the image of Wise screaming there, pocket watch and horse pistol before him, surely epitomized how reluctantly Virginians faced this decision.

 

MattL

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Virginia and secession is an interesting one. I had always believed so much of the propaganda out there before digging into it myself. That they seceded only after Lincoln's call for troops. That they were genuinely "reluctant" to secede. When I started digging I found relatively quick a completely different story. Very early in the secession process they were proclaiming clear and concise conditions in which they would secede.se

The reality is from the get go they were clear, they would secede if the US didn't make major concessions regarding issues around slavery. They simply were a bit more patient in waiting for time for the US to bow to their demands. The attack on Fort Sumter (declared as "war" by Gov Pickens of South Carolina before Lincoln ever called for troops) and then Lincoln's answer to that call of war ended their timeline and made clear the US wouldn't give in to the demands.


Journal of the House of Delegates of the State of Virginia, for the Extra Session, 1861.

http://docsouth.unc.edu/imls/vadel61/vadel61.html

January 19th, 1861

----
Whereas it is the deliberate opinion of the general assembly of Virginia, that unless the unhappy controversy, which now divides the states of this confederacy, shall be satisfactorily adjusted, a permanent dissolution of the Union is inevitable; and the general assembly, representing the wishes of the people of the commonwealth, is desirous of employing every reasonable means to avert so dire a calamity, and determined to make a final effort to restore the Union and the constitution, in the spirit in which they were established by the fathers of the republic: Therefore,

Resolved, that on behalf of the commonwealth of Virginia, an invitation is hereby extended to all such states, whether slaveholding or non-slaveholding, as are willing to unite with Virginia in an earnest effort to adjust the present unhappy controversies, in the spirit in which the constitution was originally formed, and consistently with its principles, so as to afford to the people of the slaveholding states adequate guarantees for the security of their rights, to appoint commissioners to meet on the 4th day of February next, in the city of Washington, similar commissioners appointed by Virginia, to consider, and if practicable, agree upon some suitable adjustment.

Resolved, that Ex-president John Tyler, William C. Rivers, Judge John W. Brockenbrough, George W. Summers and James A. Seddon, are hereby appointed commissioners, whose duty it shall be to repair to the city of Washington, on the day designated in the foregoing resolution, to meet such commissioners as may be appointed by any of the said states, in accordance with the foregoing resolution.

Resolved, that if said commissioners, after full and free conference, shall agree upon any plan of adjustment requiring amendments of the federal constitution, for the further security of the rights of the people of the slaveholding states, they be requested to communicate the proposed amendments to congress, for the purpose of having the same submitted by that body, according to the forms of the constitution, to the several states for ratification.

Resolved, that if said commissioners cannot agree on said adjustment, or if agreeing, congress shall refuse to submit for ratification such amendments as may be proposed, then the commissioners of this state shall immediately communicate the result to the executive of this commonwealth, to be by him laid before the convention of the people of Virginia and the general assembly: provided, that the said commissioners be subject at all times to the control of the general assembly, or if in session, to that of the state convention.

Resolved, that in the opinion of the general assembly of Virginia, the propositions embraced in the resolutions presented to the senate of the United States by the Hon. John J. Crittenden, so modified as that the first article proposed as an amendment to the constitution of the United States shall apply to all the territory of the United States now held or hereafter acquired south of latitude thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, and provide that slavery of the African race shall be effectually protected as property therein during the continuance of the territorial government, and the fourth article shall secure to the owners of slaves the right of transit with their slaves between and through the non-slaveholding states and territories, constitute the basis of such an adjustment of the unhappy controversy which now divides the states of this confederacy, as would be accepted by the people of this commonwealth.

Resolved, that Ex-president John Tyler is hereby appointed by the concurrent vote of each branch of the general assembly, a commissioner to the president of the United States, and Judge John Robertson is hereby appointed, by a like vote, a commissioner to the state of South Carolina, and the other states that have seceded, or shall secede, with instructions respectfully to request the president of the United States and the authorities of such states to agree to abstain, pending the proceedings contemplated by the action of this general assembly, from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms between the states and the government of the United States.

Resolved, that copies of the foregoing resolutions be forthwith telegraphed to the executives of the several states, and also to the president of the United States, and that the governor be requested to inform, without delay, the commissioners of their appointment by the foregoing resolutions.

----

Votes
Ayes: 83
Noes: 4

AYES--Messrs. Crutchfield (speaker), Allen, Anderson, Arnold, Ball, Ballard, Baskervill, Bass, Bassel, Bell, Bentley, Bisbie, Burks, Caperton, Carter, Chapman, Childs, Claiborne, Coleman, Crump, Davis, Duckwall, Evans, Friend, J. T. Gibson, C. H. Gilmer, Graham, Grattan, Hanly, Huntt, Hunter, James, Jett, Johnson, C. H. Jones, W. T. Jones, Kaufman, Kemper, Kincheloe, Knotts, Kyle, Leftwich, Locke, Magruder, Mallory, J. G. Martin, W. Martin, Matthews, Maupin, McCamant, McDowell, McGruder, McKinney, Miles, J. R. Miller, Mong, Montague, Montgomery, Morgan, Nelson, Newton, Phelps, Pritchard, Robertson, Robinson, Rutherfoord, Saunders, Seddon, Shannon, Sherrard, J. K. Smith, I. N. Smith, Staples, Thomas, Tomlin, Tyler, Wallace, Ward, A. Watson, E. Watson, Welch, Wilson, Wood and Woolfolk--83.

--Messrs. Myers, Porter, Richardson and Wingfield--.
January 21st, 1861

----
Resolved by the general assembly of Virginia, that if all efforts to reconcile the unhappy differences existing between the two sections of the country, should prove to be abortive, then, in the opinion of the general assembly, every consideration of honor and interest demand that Virginia shall unite her destiny with the slaveholding states of the south.
----

unanimous vote

AYES--Messrs. Crutchfield (speaker), Alderson, Allen, Anderson, Arnold, Bailey, Ballard, Baskervill, Bass, Bassel, Bell, Bentley, Burks, Caperton, Carpenter, Carter, Cassin, Chapman, Childs, Christian, Claiborne, Coleman, Cowan, Crump, Davis, Dickenson, Duckwall, Edwards, Evans, Ferguson, Fleming, Friend, J. T. Gibson, C. H. Gilmer, Graham, Grattan, Hanly, Haymond, Huntt, Hunter, James, Jett, Johnson, C. H. Jones, W. T. Jones, Kaufman, Kee, Kemper, Kincheloe, Knotts, Kyle, Leftwich, Locke, Lockridge, Lucas, Lynn, Magruder, Mallory, W, Martin, Massie, Matthews, Maupin, McCamant, McDowell, McGruder, McKinney, McKenzie, Medley, Miles, J. R. Miller, Mong, Montague, Montgomery, Morgan, Myers, Nelson, Newton, Phelps, Preston, Pritchard, Randolph, Reid, Richardson, Robertson, Robinson, Rutherfoord, Saunders, Shannon, Sherrard, J. K. Smith, I. N. Smith, Staples, Thomas, Tomlin, Tyler, Walker, Wallace, Ward, A. Watson, E. Watson, Welch, West, Wilson, Willcox, Witten, Woolfolk and Yerby--.
 

jgoodguy

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Virginia and secession is an interesting one. I had always believed so much of the propaganda out there before digging into it myself. That they seceded only after Lincoln's call for troops. That they were genuinely "reluctant" to secede. When I started digging I found relatively quick a completely different story. Very early in the secession process they were proclaiming clear and concise conditions in which they would secede.se

The reality is from the get go they were clear, they would secede if the US didn't make major concessions regarding issues around slavery. They simply were a bit more patient in waiting for time for the US to bow to their demands. The attack on Fort Sumter (declared as "war" by Gov Pickens of South Carolina before Lincoln ever called for troops) and then Lincoln's answer to that call of war ended their timeline and made clear the US wouldn't give in to the demands.


Journal of the House of Delegates of the State of Virginia, for the Extra Session, 1861.

http://docsouth.unc.edu/imls/vadel61/vadel61.html

January 19th, 1861

----
Whereas it is the deliberate opinion of the general assembly of Virginia, that unless the unhappy controversy, which now divides the states of this confederacy, shall be satisfactorily adjusted, a permanent dissolution of the Union is inevitable; and the general assembly, representing the wishes of the people of the commonwealth, is desirous of employing every reasonable means to avert so dire a calamity, and determined to make a final effort to restore the Union and the constitution, in the spirit in which they were established by the fathers of the republic: Therefore,

Resolved, that on behalf of the commonwealth of Virginia, an invitation is hereby extended to all such states, whether slaveholding or non-slaveholding, as are willing to unite with Virginia in an earnest effort to adjust the present unhappy controversies, in the spirit in which the constitution was originally formed, and consistently with its principles, so as to afford to the people of the slaveholding states adequate guarantees for the security of their rights, to appoint commissioners to meet on the 4th day of February next, in the city of Washington, similar commissioners appointed by Virginia, to consider, and if practicable, agree upon some suitable adjustment.

Resolved, that Ex-president John Tyler, William C. Rivers, Judge John W. Brockenbrough, George W. Summers and James A. Seddon, are hereby appointed commissioners, whose duty it shall be to repair to the city of Washington, on the day designated in the foregoing resolution, to meet such commissioners as may be appointed by any of the said states, in accordance with the foregoing resolution.

Resolved, that if said commissioners, after full and free conference, shall agree upon any plan of adjustment requiring amendments of the federal constitution, for the further security of the rights of the people of the slaveholding states, they be requested to communicate the proposed amendments to congress, for the purpose of having the same submitted by that body, according to the forms of the constitution, to the several states for ratification.

Resolved, that if said commissioners cannot agree on said adjustment, or if agreeing, congress shall refuse to submit for ratification such amendments as may be proposed, then the commissioners of this state shall immediately communicate the result to the executive of this commonwealth, to be by him laid before the convention of the people of Virginia and the general assembly: provided, that the said commissioners be subject at all times to the control of the general assembly, or if in session, to that of the state convention.

Resolved, that in the opinion of the general assembly of Virginia, the propositions embraced in the resolutions presented to the senate of the United States by the Hon. John J. Crittenden, so modified as that the first article proposed as an amendment to the constitution of the United States shall apply to all the territory of the United States now held or hereafter acquired south of latitude thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, and provide that slavery of the African race shall be effectually protected as property therein during the continuance of the territorial government, and the fourth article shall secure to the owners of slaves the right of transit with their slaves between and through the non-slaveholding states and territories, constitute the basis of such an adjustment of the unhappy controversy which now divides the states of this confederacy, as would be accepted by the people of this commonwealth.

Resolved, that Ex-president John Tyler is hereby appointed by the concurrent vote of each branch of the general assembly, a commissioner to the president of the United States, and Judge John Robertson is hereby appointed, by a like vote, a commissioner to the state of South Carolina, and the other states that have seceded, or shall secede, with instructions respectfully to request the president of the United States and the authorities of such states to agree to abstain, pending the proceedings contemplated by the action of this general assembly, from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms between the states and the government of the United States.

Resolved, that copies of the foregoing resolutions be forthwith telegraphed to the executives of the several states, and also to the president of the United States, and that the governor be requested to inform, without delay, the commissioners of their appointment by the foregoing resolutions.

----

Votes
Ayes: 83
Noes: 4



January 21st, 1861

----
Resolved by the general assembly of Virginia, that if all efforts to reconcile the unhappy differences existing between the two sections of the country, should prove to be abortive, then, in the opinion of the general assembly, every consideration of honor and interest demand that Virginia shall unite her destiny with the slaveholding states of the south.
----

unanimous vote

AYES--Messrs. Crutchfield (speaker), Alderson, Allen, Anderson, Arnold, Bailey, Ballard, Baskervill, Bass, Bassel, Bell, Bentley, Burks, Caperton, Carpenter, Carter, Cassin, Chapman, Childs, Christian, Claiborne, Coleman, Cowan, Crump, Davis, Dickenson, Duckwall, Edwards, Evans, Ferguson, Fleming, Friend, J. T. Gibson, C. H. Gilmer, Graham, Grattan, Hanly, Haymond, Huntt, Hunter, James, Jett, Johnson, C. H. Jones, W. T. Jones, Kaufman, Kee, Kemper, Kincheloe, Knotts, Kyle, Leftwich, Locke, Lockridge, Lucas, Lynn, Magruder, Mallory, W, Martin, Massie, Matthews, Maupin, McCamant, McDowell, McGruder, McKinney, McKenzie, Medley, Miles, J. R. Miller, Mong, Montague, Montgomery, Morgan, Myers, Nelson, Newton, Phelps, Preston, Pritchard, Randolph, Reid, Richardson, Robertson, Robinson, Rutherfoord, Saunders, Shannon, Sherrard, J. K. Smith, I. N. Smith, Staples, Thomas, Tomlin, Tyler, Walker, Wallace, Ward, A. Watson, E. Watson, Welch, West, Wilson, Willcox, Witten, Woolfolk and Yerby--.
IMHO if the North did not become just like the South, secede.
 

5fish

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Virginia may have been reluctant at first but jumped into secession and war feet first once they chose to leave the union...
 
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