Other Black Wall Streets...

5fish

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Yes, there were other Black Wall st. around America. There were ones in Richmond, Cincinnati, and other places and all died out. We now know about Tulsa which was put to the torch but the others died out do you red lining, Highways and urban renewal...

Here is a link to Cincinnati's Black Wall st. Maybe @O' Be Joyful may know more... Click the link...


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Our black wall street was taken away from us. Disregarding whether one supports a black-owned community or not, it is still sickening to see the deprived state of Lincoln Heights today compared to what it used to be. Although, Lincoln Heights wasn’t burned to the ground like Greenwood in Tulsa, Oklahoma, red-lining and racial separation certainly devastated what was once a prosperous community.
 
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5fish

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Here is the story of Louisville's Black Wall st. it is similar to Cincinnati's with urban renewal, red lining and so forth... @Jim Klag see all those great 20th century programs that made White Americans wealthy deprived Black America of its wealth... Click the link...


Snip...

Metropolitan cities throughout the country struggled with similar urban renewal woes much like Louisville. The demolition of Walnut Street fostered what we now call the Ninth Street divide. Fields said Louisville has paid the price of Urban Renewal for more than 60 years but believes this error in history is coming to an end. His hope rests on the $50 million revitalization of Beecher Terrance. Directly across from what was the old Walnut Street business district, it became the city's most high-poverty, low-opportunity and high-crime community.
 

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The Massacre of Tulsa Greenwood area did rebuilt itself only to have a Highway and urban renewal kill it off...


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By the 1950s and ʼ60s, Greenwood had blossomed into one of the most successful Black neighborhoods in the country. At its height, Black business owners operated 40 grocery stores and dozens of confectionaries across the mixed-use 35-block community.

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Here in Greenwood, residents say they were robbed twice: in 1921 and again 50 years later when eminent domain took their homes. Greenwood’s current and former residents are still calling for justice, whether through equity in property ownership, or the removal of the highways. Many say they still don’t have a seat at the table when it comes to the fate of what was once the country’s most culturally vibrant and financially successful Black neighborhood

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In the 1950s, Greenwood’s population was pushing 10,000. Through the many auto garages, restaurants, doctor’s offices and beauty salons like Little’s, Black residents had firmly rebuilt much of the generational wealth the massacre had threatened

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"Urban renewal not only took away our property, but something else more important — our black unity, our pride, our sense of achievement and history,” 1921 survivor and longtime Tulsa elementary school teacher Jobie Holderness told historian Eddie Faye Gates for her 1997 book “They Came Searching: How Blacks Sought the Promised Land in Tulsa.

Here is a article about how the city is still trying to erase Greenwood...


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The Greenwood that Tulsans can physically see today is merely half of a city block and a handful of monuments. While the full story of Greenwood’s second erasure is still being pieced together by community members, historians, and anthropologists, all recognize that a series of sweeping urban renewal projects are largely to blame. According to historian Hannibal Johnson’s book Black Wall Street: from Riot to Renaissance in Tulsa’s Historical Greenwood District, the United States experienced a free market economy boom in the 1950s and 1960s favoring large corporations over locally-owned businesses. Community dollars began to pour into these corporations, making it difficult for local Black Wall Street shops to thrive. Rather than investing in already-existing local businesses, the county and city governments bought out Black-owned businesses in the 1970s in favor of urban renewal projects. Urban renewal, known to the North Tulsa community as urban removal, continues today, allowing downtown infrastructure to further encroach on Greenwood. Even before I-244 separated North Tulsa from downtown, other infrastructure was already acting as a barrier between the Black and white communities.

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In recent years, OSU-Tulsa has appeared to flaunt their takeover of Greenwood, most notably and visibly by building the “Tulsa Gateway Tower” on Standpipe Hill. The tower is intended to “welcome visitors and establish the campus as Cowboy Country.” However, in reality, it devalues the historical significance of Standpipe Hill and its role in the Tulsa Race Massacre. While there is a plaque that recognizes its history at the bottom of the hill, the Gateway Tower’s dominance of the hill is quite literally a representation of its power over historic Greenwood land.
 

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Here a article about Greenwood end... all you see on TV is basically a street...


snip... Planners come...

But then came the planners:

"Slum clearance," as a cure for Greenwood's ills, had been discussed for years, but in 1967, Tulsa was accepted into the Federal Model Cities program.
Model Cities was not just an ordinary urban renewal program. It was intended to be an improvement over the old method of bulldozing depressed neighborhoods. The Federal government provided four dollars for every dollar of local funding, and the plan involved advisory councils of local residents and attempted to address education, economic development, and health care as well as dilapidated buildings.
For all the frills, Model Cities was still primarily an urban removal program: Save the neighborhood by destroying it. Homes and businesses were cleared for the construction of I-244 and US 75 and for assemblage into larger tracts that might attract developers. Displaced blacks moved north, into neighborhoods that had been built in the '50s for working class whites.
Only the determination of a few community leaders saved a cluster of buildings in Deep Greenwood -- but these buildings are isolated from any residential area, cut off from community.
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In April 1970, as Tulsa's Model Cities urban renewal program was beginning to demolish homes, Mabel Little, whose new home was burned down in the 1921 attack, told the Tulsa City Commission [from the April 11, 1970, Tulsa Tribune]:

"You destroyed everything we had. I was here in it, and the people are suffering more now than they did then."
Years later, Jobie Holderness reflected on the spiritual damage done by urban renewal:

"Urban renewal not only took away our property, but something else more important -- our black unity, our pride, our sense of achievement and history. We need to regain that. Our youth missed that and that is why they are lost today, that is why they are in 'limbo' now."
Here a article about today about taking...


snip... this is in 2020...

“I was a little bit alarmed by some of the language that they were using when they were describing their objective goal of the sector plan,” says Burlinda Radney, a land use expert, city commission board member, and community advocate in Tulsa. The TDA is requesting federal funding and a shift from residential land use, which would allow the city to rezone the neighborhood and increase land allotments for parking, public infrastructure, and commercial access. When the development authority presented the plan to Radney’s board, citing a blight study of only predominantly Black neighborhoods for its intent to restructure, she was immediately concerned. “My question to the TDA is how do you create a race-neutral policy in a predominantly Black neighborhood that has historically been adversely affected by race? It’s not possible to do anything that is race neutral without it actually being race specific in terms of its negative outcomes.
 
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